Australian People :: essays research papers

Australian People   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The population of Australia is 18,438,824.The Birth Rate is 13.73, per 1000 people. The death rate is 6.89 per 1000 people. Those two were per year on average. The migration rate is 2.71 immigrants per 1000 people. The Life expectancy is higher than the US at 79.64. (Male 76.69, Female 82.74) There are three major ethnic groups in Australia. The Caucasian makes up 95%, the Asians make up 4%, and the Aboriginal make up 1%.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The official language of Australia is English. It is spoken by more than 99% of the population. The languages come from Europe and Oceania. (Australia, New Zealand etc.) There are several Aboriginal dialects spoken throughout the country. The writing system is Arabic. The Australians often use mate as a way to address others.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are three major religions in Australia. Anglican makes up 26.1 % of the population. Roman Catholic makes up 26% and other Christian religions make up 24.3% of the population. Burial services are very similar to the ones practiced by Americans in the US. The Aboriginal buries their dead and marks the burial grounds to symbolize the sky world in which they will be reincarnated.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Average Australian family consists of three members. The Father is the dominant member. There are some extended families of grandparents. Some Aboriginal now live in cities although most still live in the Outback in small rural communities. Aboriginal families are generally large. The children often work for the parents in the fields or around the dwelling. Families that live in urban areas usually have a higher income rate. They usually live in houses. Marriage is your choice, like in the US. Divorce is allowed by legal agreement and Polygamy is outlawed. Australian People :: essays research papers Australian People   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The population of Australia is 18,438,824.The Birth Rate is 13.73, per 1000 people. The death rate is 6.89 per 1000 people. Those two were per year on average. The migration rate is 2.71 immigrants per 1000 people. The Life expectancy is higher than the US at 79.64. (Male 76.69, Female 82.74) There are three major ethnic groups in Australia. The Caucasian makes up 95%, the Asians make up 4%, and the Aboriginal make up 1%.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The official language of Australia is English. It is spoken by more than 99% of the population. The languages come from Europe and Oceania. (Australia, New Zealand etc.) There are several Aboriginal dialects spoken throughout the country. The writing system is Arabic. The Australians often use mate as a way to address others.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are three major religions in Australia. Anglican makes up 26.1 % of the population. Roman Catholic makes up 26% and other Christian religions make up 24.3% of the population. Burial services are very similar to the ones practiced by Americans in the US. The Aboriginal buries their dead and marks the burial grounds to symbolize the sky world in which they will be reincarnated.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Average Australian family consists of three members. The Father is the dominant member. There are some extended families of grandparents. Some Aboriginal now live in cities although most still live in the Outback in small rural communities. Aboriginal families are generally large. The children often work for the parents in the fields or around the dwelling. Families that live in urban areas usually have a higher income rate. They usually live in houses. Marriage is your choice, like in the US. Divorce is allowed by legal agreement and Polygamy is outlawed.

The Scramble for Africa

What were the major historical factors explaining ‘the scramble for Africa’? The scramble for Africa has aptly been described as the golden period of European expansionism in the 19th century. It was an age in which the continents of Africa, Asia and Middle Eastern states were brought under the control of European powers following the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885. Eric Hobsbawm, one of the leading authorities on European imperialism, described the period as â€Å"the Age of Empire not only because it developed a new kind of imperialism, but also a much more old-fashioned reason†¦Ã¢â‚¬  referred to here as the age of â€Å"emperors† (1987: 56). It was essentially a period in which a handful of European powers (Great Britain, France, Portugal, Belgium, Netherlands, Italy, Japan, Germany etc), having emerged economically strong following rapid industrialisation, set out to pursue radical national interests overseas. The scramble for Africa began at a time when the benefit of industrial revolution gave rise to unprecedented expansion in the production of goods and services, which needed to be exported to outlandish markets. For, the partition and the haggling that went it did not come out of the blue. It was orchestrated by a combination of factors and conditions under which European powers faced in their metropolitan countries at the time. Having lost their North and South American colonies, Australasia and the Pacific rim interests at the turn of the century, the European powers turned their searchlight to Africa, Asia and the Middle East for new markets – consolidating previously held trading posts and sea route communications and grabbing new territories along the way – hence the scramble for Africa. The partition has broadly been described as one of the most turning points in the history of the relationships between the â€Å"Haves† – industrialised European powers versus the â€Å"Have-nots† – tropical Africa and the countries of Asia and the middle East (Padmore, 1972: 7). In his most eloquent work on the subject of partition – Africa and the World Peace (1972: 162), Padmore argues that â€Å"†¦ colonial policy is the offspring of industrial policy for rich States in which capital is abundant and is rapidly accumulating, in which the manufacturing system is continually growing and characterising, if not most numerous, at least the most alert and energetic part of the population that works with its hands, in which the countryside is obliged to industrialise itself, in order to maintain itself, in such States exportation is an ssential factor of public property †¦Ã¢â‚¬  Still, Jules Ferry, â€Å"who can fittingly be described as the father of French Imperialism, whilst addressing the Chamber of Deputies in 1885, summed up the need for colonies as follows: Is it not clear that the great States of modern Europe, the moment their industrial power is found, are confronted with an immense and difficult problem, which is the basis of indust rial life, the very condition of existence – the question of markets? †¦ Can we say that this colonial policy is a luxury for modern nations? Not at all †¦ this policy is for all of us, a necessity, the market itself† (p. 161). Ferry’s encapsulation of what the partition of Africa meant for the French and his fellow European powers are quite instructive here. Similarly, continental echoes of the partition policy were heard in ascending order. In the Island of Great Britain, Mr Joseph Chamberlain, â€Å"the radical mayor of Birmingham and a great advocate of liberal ideals, who later deserted the Liberals and became one of the most ardent champions of Toryism †¦Ã¢â‚¬ , accepted that â€Å"a forward policy of colonial expansion in Africa was now the order of the day†. He stated that: â€Å"it is the duty of the State to foster the trade and obtain markets for its manufactures† (p. 164). In Germany, Bismarck, who initially opposed colonial expansion, later became its advocate. Addressing the Reichstag in 1885, he declared that: â€Å"The goal of Germany’s foreign policy was to be economically independent. â€Å"Colonies†, he said, â€Å"would provide new markets for German industries, the expansion of trade, and new field for German activity, civilisation and capital †¦ Consider what it would mean if part of the cotton and coffee which we must export could be grown in German territory overseas. Would that not bring an increase in national wealth†? (Padmore, pp. 164 -165), he queried. H. L. Wessseling, in his Divide and Rule: The Partition for Africa (1996: 366), whilst analysing Hobson’s classic work on Imperialism: A Study, argued that the historical interpretation of the partition was based on â€Å"imperialism as a consequence of capitalism† and therefore, â€Å"primarily a struggle for profitable markets of investment†. He acknowledged the seminal work of John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson in their Africa and the Victorians – stating that it was not until the 1960s that a new approach began to be adopted by the leading discussants of the partition policy. He opined that aside from the economic motives upon which the partition was based, there was indeed, consideration of strategic and political motives as well, noting that early writers overlooked this fact. He summed up the views of the British political establishment thus: â€Å"The British policy makers were not so much concerned with Africa itself as with safeguarding British interests in Asia; the motive behind late Victorian strategy in Africa was to protect the all important stakes in India and the East† (p. 366). This view becomes clearer when juxtaposed with Hargreaves’ Chapter 3 in Decolonisation in Africa whilst discussing the logistics of the Second World War. He stressed that â€Å"the protection of African supply route was a crucial contribution to the Middle East war†, adding that â€Å"extraordinary efforts were made to develop the African Line of Communications by which bulky supplies were moved to Congo river, across to Juba in the Southern Sudan, and thence to Egypt† (Hargreaves, 1988: 54). Surely, there was no question of the strategic and commercial importance of Africa, Asia and the Middle Eastern territories to the Allied Powers prior to, and during, the Second World War. As M. E. Chamberlain succinctly attested here: â€Å"the possession of an empire came to be regarded as a kind of badge of great power status, important for prestige, irrespective of whether it was worth while economically† (Chamberlain, 1985: p. 3). Whilst huge merit pertains in this argument, there’s no doubt as Wesseling puts it: the policy of imperialism in Africa, Asia and the Middle East â€Å"differed from country to country, from period to period, and from place to place† (Wesseling, 1996, p. 366). The argument makes it clear: â€Å"economic motives such as the protection and encouragement of trade and industry did indeed play a part †¦ so also did such financial motives as safeguarding of loans and investments, such political motives as strategic advantage, national ambition, electoral appeal, such as ideological motives as bearing the white man’s burden, and many more† (p. 366). The method used by the European powers in gaining foothold into the African territories was generally regarded as underhand. Africans and Indians, it was assumed, only began to exist at the point they were â€Å"discovered† (Liebenow, 1986: p. 4). Accordingly, â€Å"treaties of friendship negotiated †¦ with local political personages, or evidence of conversations alone, became converted in the 19th century diplomatic scramble into European deeds of ownership to the land, the people, and all their resources† (p. 14). Following the inordinate ways used in slicing up African territories , the Berlin conference recognised Leopold’s claims over Congo, and the various spheres of British, French and German influence in the East, West and South Africa respectively. The period following the conference was marked by the rapid annexation of the territories involved. In order to consolidate their positions, England, France and Germany first resorted to the use of Chartered Companies (British and German East Africa Companies, the Niger Company of West Africa, and the South Africa Company), joint stock organisations with tremendous financial resources at their disposal, backed by the armed forces of their respective States. These monopoly concerns were the ones which laid the basis of government in the territories which were later officially declared as colonies and protectorates (Padmore, p. 168 – 169). Germany, although a late entry in the colonial race, acquired German East Africa (then known as Tanganyika) in 1844, South West Africa in 1885, Cameroons and Togoland in 1885 (P. 168 – 169). â€Å"By the time the process of carving up Africa was completed, England and France had emerged as the biggest shareholders of the continent†. â€Å"England acquired the colonies of Gambia, Sierra Leone, Gold Coast (now Ghana), Nigeria on the West Coast, British Somaliland, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia), Swaziland and Basutoland, and the Union of South Africa. France, on the other hand, got most North Africa countries of Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. On the West Coast of Africa, it secured Senegal and its hinterland, forming Equatorial Africa and the Congo, Dahomey, Ivory Coast and the large Island of Madagascar. After the World War, the German West and East African colonies were later divided between the British Empire and France following the Paris conference† (p. 169), using the League of Nations to consolidate their booties. Portugal, one of the oldest colonial Powers in the world got Angola and Guinea on the West Coast, Mozambique on the East, and the cocoa island of Sao Tome and Principe in the Gulf of Guinea† (p. 169). â€Å"Italy, having met military disaster in her early imperialist attempt at Abyssinia in 1896, as well as diplomatic defeat by France over Tunisia, acquired Tripoli in the north, Eritrea on the East Coast and Italian Somaliland on the Indian Ocean† (p. 169). It has commonly been argued that the ap proach used by the European powers in running their territories exacerbated local anger against colonial rule. Many ethnic groups with little in common were lumped together, thus creating confusion and rivalries, making the present day African countries extremely difficult to govern. Whilst Britain employed a mixture of direct (India) and indirect rule (Africa and others), using recognised local people to govern – the French and others tended to adopt a more direct approach. For example, the French and the Portuguese believed in the policy of integration or assimilation. This policy extended French citizenship to trained Africans whilst providing a token of autonomy to local representatives who, subsequently, were co-opted into French Parliament. While Africa provided the best example for studying the development and expansion of European Imperialisms in their quest for markets, sources of raw materials and spheres for investing capital, this overseas projection of European capitalism was not confined to the Dark Continent. Indeed, scramble incursions were made into Asia and other parts of New World. The chief amongst these was India, often referred to as the â€Å"Jewel in the Crown† because â€Å"it differed from all other colonies of occupation in its vastly greater size and population, reaching 200 millions in 1860s† (Fieldhouse, 1965/6: 271). According to Fieldhouse, â€Å"India provided Britain with political and military power†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ therefore, â€Å"its resources were harnessed to support a great military empire before the British arrived† (Fieldhouse: p. 271). In summing up, therefore, it has to be argued that the â€Å"European domination of Africa, Asia and the Middle East has been one of the most significant phenomena of the 19th century period called â€Å"the modern age† (Liebenow, 1986: 13). The technological superiority of the European powers and the age of industrial revolution led the West in believing that they were destined, as a matter of right, to govern people elsewhere on the globe. Regrettably, colonisation was â€Å"unable to shape African economic, social and political conditions to more than a very limited extent† (Wesseling, 1996: 372). â€Å"In economic or social respects, colonisation brought nothing essentially new †¦ but only led to the acceleration of social and economic process of modernisation† (p. 372). This led to the integration of Africa and the rest of the New World into the capitalist economy. If we have to look for any tangible benefit of colonialism, this has to be seen in the context of the multiplicity of states that sprung up in Africa with concomitant ethnic conflicts and political instabilities. The false notion of sovereignties accorded to African states and recognised by the United Nations, clearly shows that majority of these states are weak and unable to clear democratic legitimacies in their various territories.

Beethovens 5th Symphony - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 2 Words: 674 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2019/10/30 Category People Essay Level High school Tags: Ludwig van Beethoven Essay Did you like this example? Beethovens 5th Symphony is a piece with lots of elements with numerous movements. I have to say my first emotion was a deep shock of anxiety and fantasies. I realized after listening over and over and over again that the intro note is what was played in almost all the piece but in different movement or variation. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Beethovens 5th Symphony" essay for you Create order The opening da-da-da-dum was quite fascinating and just made my adrenaline rush like alas!!! I am stunned by that sound and just suddenly, it descends into a decrescendo through some soft strings that softly or gently surfaced after the strong motif. This is a substantial contrast for a few reasons: One being a dynamic contrast to the forte V-theme. The second being a rhythmic contrast. The rhythmic difference between the V-theme which opens with the whole orchestra playing such a simple rhythm to then the response by the individual sections as the play a complex series of repeating variations that descends down and down until the V-theme is again released, this time on higher notes. Its a pattern of starting simple then it becomes more and more complex until it summons the terrible V-theme. Then after the third or so time of this a clarion call of a French horn ushers in the development in the dominant key. The development starts out so tranquil. It plays a happy melody for a bit, although there is still that contentious motif from the exposition which looms underneath. When put back into the historical context for this piece it puts me in mind of the merry Aristocrats of France living their happy baroque lives perhaps attending a ball. While they are living the high life the mounting of pressure on the lower classes is starting to build up pressure until it erupts into revolution. The merry waltz the aristocrats are enjoying is interrupted by that ominous V-theme, and they are pulled out side so to speak to view the dark sorrowful state of things. Its building sadness and worry until the thematic degradation slips in before the recapitulation The degradation takes place after somewhat of the epicenter of the development. All the strings and brass joined in an intense unison on a complex rhythm, again the contrast of volume and rhythmic complexity is exploited. The thematic degradation induces a sinking feeling, as the quiet notes become ever fainter. Things become still. It is here where its as life itself is slipping away. It is as the breathing of a dying man. It becomes so still, and the pathos so pronounced. Then a fury of activity quickly escalates into the V-theme. At this moment when the V-theme sounds its almost like declaration or cry. In my mind I imagine an aristocrat holding the peasant who pulled him from the party and showed him their pain and suffering as he dies. The V-theme comes from the aristocrat as he makes angry resolution for justice. The ensuing oboe cadenza is like the personal grief of the individual. Which is only caught up and drowned in the tide of strings that leads the to second capitulation. Where unchanged the aristocrats are back at it. Again, the uneasy motifs press in on the happy themes. The unhappy themes are pressed aside into the swelling grand displays by the orchestra. As if the aristocracy is flexing its muscles. The coda is clearly the resolve and conflict. Where all the themes are brought together, and its almost like a great discourse, turned into conflict where it is resolved when the V-theme comes back in and its concluded. My overall emotional reaction to the piece is anxiety as I wasnt sure what next will happen or hear in the course of the play. It is a back and forth a cat mouse of contrast. Its not one that I will listen to when I need to rest or be calm or even study. It really triggers uncertainty in me. I felt like thrown around like I was rambling with my eyes bounded with a black cloth